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Widely televised firearm murders in many countries during the 20th Century have spurred politicians to introduce restrictive gun laws. The politicians then promise that the new restrictions will reduce criminal violence and create a safer society. It is time to pause and ask if gun laws actually do reduce criminal violence.

Gun laws must be demonstrated to cut violent crime or gun control is no more than a hollow promise. What makes gun control so compelling for many is the belief that violent crime is driven by the availability of guns and, more importantly, that criminal violence in general may be reduced by limiting access to firearms.

In this study, the author examines crime trends in Commonwealth countries that have recently introduced firearm regulations: i.e., Great Britain, Australia, and Canada. The widely ignored key to evaluating firearm regulations is to examine trends in total violent crime, not just firearms crime. Since firearms are only a small fraction of criminal violence, the public would not be safer if the new law could reduce firearm violence but had no effect on total criminal violence.

The United States provides a valuable point of comparison for assessing crime rates because the criminal justice system there differs so drastically from those in Europe and the Commonwealth. Not only are criminal penalties typically more severe in the United States, often much more severe, but also conviction and incarceration rates are usually much higer. Perhaps the most striking difference is that qualified citizens in the United States can carry concealed handguns for self-defence. During the past few decades, more than 25 states in the United States passed laws allowing responsible citizens to carry concealed handguns. In 2003, there are 35 states where citizens can get such a permit.

The upshot is that violent crime rates, and homicide rates in particular, have been falling in the United States. The drop in the American crime rate is even more impressive when compared with the rest of the world.

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Report Card on Quebec's Secondary Schools: 2003 Edition. The foundation of the Report Card is an overall rating of each school's academic performance on a scale from 0 to 10. For each school for the seven school years 1996 through 2002 (where data were available).

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This commentary outlines the fiscal choices and outcomes that are possible over the next five months and through the rest of the government’s mandate. It is the government’'s task to choose which of these paths can move Ontario'’s economy and fiscal affairs forward in the best possible way.

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Canada as a nation and its constituent provinces have travelled a difficult path over the better part of the last decade to achieve balanced budgets. It is critical for Canada and the provinces to take the next step on the continuing path towards fiscal responsibility. That next step is the introduction of constitutionally entrenched laws enforcing tax and expenditure limitations (TELs).

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The Fraser Institute's thirteenth annual waiting list survey found that waiting times for surgical and other therapeutic treatments grew in 2003. Total waiting time between referral from a general practitioner and treatment, averaged across all 12 specialties and 10 provinces surveyed, rose from 16.5 weeks in 2001-02 to 17.7 weeks in 2003.

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In June 2000, Saskatchewan conducted a major review of its health care system and issued its report in April 2001. The provincial government also invited comments from the public and health care providers; more than 100 individuals and organizations appeared before the Standing Committee on Health. This study looks at some of the reasons why the government's reforms will not succeed in permanently solving the province's problems of waiting lists, a lack of medical technology, a shortage of providers, and other issues.

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This paper looks at the cross-border mail-order pharmaceutical trade and determines that it suffers serious flaws.