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Drawing on experience in six countries over the last fifty years, a group of economists, including Nobel Prize Winners Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, discusses the myths and realities of rent control. The authors present definitive evidence that, in the final analysis, there is no case for control.

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Originally put in place to remove boom and bust cycles from the markets for agricultural products, and to ensure producers a fair return, marketing boards have become a highly politicized conduit for the transfer of income from consumers to producers. The extent to which marketing boards transfer income depends on their ability to maintain the price for the product at a higher level than would prevail in a free market. In this study, Professor Thomas Borcherding has applied this principle to estimate the extent to which the British Columbia Egg Marketing Board transfers income from consumers to producers.

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In Unions and the Public Interest: Collective bargaining in the government sector, author Sandra Christensen, an economist at Simon Fraser University, carefully examines the growth and development of public sector unions. In a concise and easy-to-read style, she provides a useful survey of what is known about the determination of employee compensation in the public sector and how it compares with bargaining in the private sector.

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Zoning and other land use controls are so much a part of contemporary life that even the most ardent free enterprises usually take for granted the sanctity of such controls in the protection of the urban residential environment. This provocative book raises a number of basic questions about zoning, specifically about recent variants of land use controls. It forthrightly challenges underlying assumptions and principles at the root of the zoning philosophy and is required reading for all those concerned with the future of cities.

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This book,  the Health Care Business: International evidence on private versus public health care systems, looks at the evidence from four countries (U.S., Canada, U.K. and Sweden) in proposing new directions to re-establish choice in North American health care delivery systems.

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Can national financial institutions, such as banks, function in a country as regionally diverse as Canada without seeming to discriminate between the regions? Were the complaints of the four Western Premiers at the Western Economic Opportunities Conference in Calgary in 1973 justified? If there is discrimination, would the proposed provincial government B.C. Savings and Trust super bank provide relief from it? What would be the cost of such relief?

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Why is it that the economic mind behind the Prime Minister has few, if any, followers in the economics profession? Why is it that Galbraith's theories have become widely accepted when there is a total lack of support for them?