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This book describes the economic gains that may be achieved by Canada, the United States and Mexico as a consequence of the willingness of these three countries to remove, in a mutually satisfactory way, the barriers to the operation of markets that have been erected in response to political pressures. It is the first book in an extensive program of research and other activities which the Fraser Institute has undertaken in conjunction with the Centre for International Studies at the University of Toronto, the Americas Program at Stanford University, the Hudson Institute, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Political Economy Research Center, E1 Colegio de Mexico, and economists at many of the most prestigious universities on the continent.

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This study is the first attempt to analyse the travail of the small landlord and includes a wealth of anecdotal inforamtion about landlords and tenants which provides a more realistic look at how rent control affects the landlord-tenant relationship.

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The aim of this book is to examine the consequences of regulating election campaign finances at the federal level in Canada. Such regulation usually comes in three forms: limits on election-time spending by candidates, parties, and private citizens; limits on contributions to politicians; and public funding of campaigns. Canada already has these regulations in some measure, but the debate continues on whether they need to be strengthened. This book describes the arguments in favour of regulation, and then suggests some dangers. A popular view is that spending and contribution limits, along with public subsidies, increase competition in elections and allow ordinary citizens to better participate, both as informed voters and as candidates. The author suggests that these measures may actually hinder competition, entrench incumbents, and leave the electorate poorly informed of their choices.

The intent here is not to argue against the need for election finance regulation, but to bring attention to its hidden costs and to the narrow motives behind it. Most of what is known about the effects of regulation on public welfare comes from the study of economic markets where regulation often harms those it is meant to protect. For example, competition laws that break up large enterprises keep firms at small, inefficient levels of production, and lead to higher prices. Also, the almost complete blackout on advertising in the medical profession leaves patients ignorant of their best choices, and protects doctors from the consequences of hav ing a bad record. To see if similar results carry over to election finance regulation, the author borrows the economic notion of competition and applies it to politics. The analogy is not perfect but it helps to put together a coherent view of how campaign activities enable voters and candidates to exchange ideas and why it is important that they do so. The consequences of laws that interfere with the flow of election information can then be analyzed.

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This book contains a series of papers commissioned for the Economics of Regulation and Deregulation Conference held at the University of Lethbridge from September 21 to 23, 1989. Breaking the Shackles begins with an outline of the deregulatory program and a summary of the important theories of regulation. It then identifies progress in rail and truck transportation, incomplete but valuable deregulation in the airline industry, modest improvements in telecommunications, and substantial progress in the oil and gas industry. However, the book also reveals that the deregulatory process has barely begun in agriculture. Another chapter focuses on the financial services sector whish is hampered by a confused and potentially damaging regulatory situation.

Finally, the book examines rent control. Because this law attenuates the property rights of landlords, it destroys incentives for maintaining and adding to the existing housing stock. This study concludes that the rental housing market, particularly in Ontario, seems to have entered a rigid and permanent regulatory regime.

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The current Special Issues Bulletin is the Institute's first foray into the area of attempting to document the extent to which queuing or waiting lists are being used as a means of adapting to the conflict between limited budgetary allocations and unlimited demand for free health care.

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Despite innovations in communications and transportation, it takes about the same amount of time to deliver a letter today as it did 200 years ago. In 1981 the Post Office Department became Canada Post, a Crown corporation with increased autonomy that would, it was assumed, lead to improved efficiency and service. But Canada Post has failed to deliver on its promises. This in-depth analysis explains why service is not likely to improve until the Crown corporation is privatized and subject to competition.

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The poor are poor not because the rich are rich but in spite of that fact. Father Schall sees an important role for religion as a wealth-creating institution, but he strenuously opposes the church's persistent opposition to democratic capitalism - the last great hope for the poor. This iconoclastic book trenchantly analyses numerous religious sacred cows and finds them all wanting. Father Schall, a Jesuit priest who is a member of the Political Science Faculty of Washington's Georgetown University, views social justice as an attempt to wrest control of the economy from the citizen and thereby strengthen the state. He lauds the profit motive as a great boon to the poor, and criticizes government welfare programs for being dependence creators.