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This Alert is designed to help Canadians hold their provincial political leaders accountable for the relative performance of their fiscal policies. In this second edition, we provide an objective, empirical assessment of how Canada’s premiers have managed the public finances of their provinces and whether they have pursued sound, long-term economic policies.

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This study measures the labour market performance of Canadian provinces and US states from 2006 to 2010 based on five equally weighted indicators: average total employment growth, average private-sector employment growth, average unemployment rates, average duration of unemployment, and average labour productivity.

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There is a 30 percent chance that an earthquake strong enough to cause significant damage will strike southwestern British Columbia in the next 50 years. Policyholders may face major impediments to recovery when insurance coverage from a natural disaster is split—a harsh lesson many Americans learned in 2005, after the US Gulf Coast was struck by a series of major hurricanes.

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Almost one-quarter of Alberta’s current population either was not born or did not live in Alberta during the previous deficit era (1985-1994). As a result, these new Albertans may take Alberta’s prosperity and recent balanced budgets for granted, or assume that deficits are a temporary problem caused by the recession. In reality, this is a longer-term phenomenon created by short-sighted spending choices—no matter how the politicians spin it.

This paper reviews political rhetoric from the previous deficit era and compares it with the present, revealing important parallels. Between 1985-86 and 1993-94, Alberta ran nine consecutive deficits. As a consequence, Canada’s wealthiest province saw its financial position deteriorate into net debt; deficits diverted tax dollars into interest; and taxes were raised to finance the growing debt. Yet the political rhetoric side-stepped these problems.

Early signs indicate optimistic expectations about Alberta’s current finances are again in error. Alberta already faces deficits of a magnitude similar to those of the mid-1980s to early 1990s. As before, the province’s net financial position has deteriorated rapidly. And predictably, the rhetoric and rationalizations sound familiar.

For instance: In the 1980s and more recently, the political rhetoric emphasized that Alberta could “afford” deficits given its overall net asset position. In both eras, there was a net decline in provincial assets. Capital and operating spending was then, and is now, seen as untouchable. In the 1980s and again recently, politicians promised balanced budgets but didn’t deliver. In both deficit eras, politicians counted on rising energy prices to balance the budget for them. In both eras, program growth out-paced revenue growth.

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Fraser Forum is a monthly review of public policy in Canada, with articles covering taxation, education, health care policy, and a wide range of other topics. Forum writers are economists, Institute research analysts, and selected authors, including those from other public policy think tanks.

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The findings of this study suggest that, on average, greater government intervention in Canada’s drug markets has not provided more affordable access to prescription drugs relative to a less interventionist policy in the United States.

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Attempting to restrict American imports of Canadian oil is a mistake that ignores both the reality of US dependence on imported oil, as well as the only major alternative sources of such oil—repressive governments that restrict civil, political, and economic freedoms. The study points out that Canada now provides more oil to America than all the Persian Gulf countries combined.